The China Mail - Brexit's broken promises

USD -
AED 3.673042
AFN 65.503991
ALL 83.150403
AMD 379.990403
ANG 1.79008
AOA 916.000367
ARS 1429.512304
AUD 1.496077
AWG 1.8
AZN 1.70397
BAM 1.683046
BBD 2.013924
BDT 122.300053
BGN 1.67937
BHD 0.377058
BIF 2950
BMD 1
BND 1.287197
BOB 6.909282
BRL 5.370404
BSD 0.999948
BTN 90.717347
BWP 13.354732
BYN 2.883758
BYR 19600
BZD 2.011084
CAD 1.391575
CDF 2175.000362
CHF 0.80301
CLF 0.022603
CLP 886.710396
CNY 6.96885
CNH 6.96681
COP 3694.66
CRC 488.7011
CUC 1
CUP 26.5
CVE 95.250394
CZK 20.91304
DJF 177.720393
DKK 6.440304
DOP 63.303884
DZD 130.29104
EGP 47.235104
ERN 15
ETB 155.650392
EUR 0.861904
FJD 2.27904
FKP 0.74706
GBP 0.747235
GEL 2.690391
GGP 0.74706
GHS 10.83504
GIP 0.74706
GMD 74.000355
GNF 8750.000355
GTQ 7.666558
GYD 209.163038
HKD 7.797335
HNL 26.510388
HRK 6.495104
HTG 130.98291
HUF 331.960388
IDR 16910.8
ILS 3.145104
IMP 0.74706
INR 90.73765
IQD 1310
IRR 42125.000158
ISK 126.050386
JEP 0.74706
JMD 157.79736
JOD 0.70904
JPY 158.084504
KES 129.000351
KGS 87.450384
KHR 4025.00035
KMF 425.00035
KPW 900.008925
KRW 1473.570383
KWD 0.30798
KYD 0.833262
KZT 511.316111
LAK 21615.000349
LBP 89550.000349
LKR 309.760253
LRD 183.603772
LSL 16.425039
LTL 2.95274
LVL 0.60489
LYD 5.425039
MAD 9.241504
MDL 17.143693
MGA 4555.000347
MKD 53.057635
MMK 2099.811473
MNT 3562.208717
MOP 8.033406
MRU 39.805039
MUR 46.320378
MVR 15.460378
MWK 1732.000345
MXN 17.624304
MYR 4.057504
MZN 63.903729
NAD 16.425039
NGN 1420.230377
NIO 36.650377
NOK 10.088135
NPR 145.147411
NZD 1.738145
OMR 0.384506
PAB 0.999948
PEN 3.360504
PGK 4.26425
PHP 59.389038
PKR 279.925038
PLN 3.63775
PYG 6834.414746
QAR 3.64125
RON 4.386704
RSD 101.176038
RUB 78.001388
RWF 1457
SAR 3.750027
SBD 8.123611
SCR 13.406347
SDG 601.503676
SEK 9.224305
SGD 1.28891
SHP 0.750259
SLE 24.150371
SLL 20969.499267
SOS 571.503662
SRD 38.358504
STD 20697.981008
STN 21.4
SVC 8.749118
SYP 11059.574895
SZL 16.430369
THB 31.440369
TJS 9.294357
TMT 3.51
TND 2.901038
TOP 2.40776
TRY 43.277038
TTD 6.789667
TWD 31.609504
TZS 2520.000335
UAH 43.360584
UGX 3554.893895
UYU 38.698518
UZS 11970.000334
VES 341.315304
VND 26275
VUV 121.060293
WST 2.785521
XAF 564.477738
XAG 0.011189
XAU 0.000218
XCD 2.70255
XCG 1.802144
XDR 0.702846
XOF 563.503593
XPF 103.103591
YER 238.475037
ZAR 16.414504
ZMK 9001.203584
ZMW 20.073834
ZWL 321.999592
  • SCS

    0.0200

    16.14

    +0.12%

  • RBGPF

    2.6800

    84.04

    +3.19%

  • CMSC

    -0.0700

    23.48

    -0.3%

  • BTI

    0.1400

    58.22

    +0.24%

  • NGG

    1.5300

    80.89

    +1.89%

  • GSK

    -0.9000

    48.22

    -1.87%

  • AZN

    0.4000

    94.39

    +0.42%

  • RELX

    -0.2200

    41.63

    -0.53%

  • RYCEF

    0.1000

    17.05

    +0.59%

  • RIO

    -1.2200

    85.13

    -1.43%

  • CMSD

    -0.0600

    23.92

    -0.25%

  • BCE

    -0.1000

    24.14

    -0.41%

  • JRI

    0.1600

    13.7

    +1.17%

  • BCC

    -0.7600

    85.51

    -0.89%

  • VOD

    0.0200

    13.47

    +0.15%

  • BP

    0.2300

    35.38

    +0.65%


Brexit's broken promises




When Britain voted to leave the European Union in June 2016, its advocates framed the decision as a liberation. “Take back control,” the slogan promised, conjuring images of a sovereign nation freed from Brussels’ shackles, setting its own rules, striking its own trade deals and funnelling the cost of EU membership into public services at home. Nearly a decade on, the gulf between promise and reality is stark. Far from ushering in a new era of prosperity, Brexit has acted as a slow‑burn drag on growth, decimated trade, hollowed out industries and left the nation diminished on the global stage.

A Smaller, Poorer Economy
The most striking measure of Brexit’s damage is the economy itself. By the start of 2025, Britain’s gross domestic product per capita was estimated to be about six to eight percent lower than it would have been had the country remained in the EU. Investment, once buoyed by London’s status as a gateway to Europe, is twelve to eighteen percent lower than it otherwise would be. Employment and productivity are both three to four percent below the counterfactual trajectory. These losses did not arrive overnight. Rather, uncertainty after the referendum delayed business decisions, diverted management time and encouraged firms to hold cash rather than expand. The protracted negotiations and repeated renegotiations – from the withdrawal agreement to the Trade and Cooperation Agreement and the Windsor Framework – sustained that uncertainty for years, causing what economists describe as a “slow‑burn hit” that accumulated over a decade.

Before the referendum, Britain grew at roughly the same pace as comparable economies. After 2016 the lines diverged. By early 2025, UK GDP per head had grown six to ten percentage points less than similar advanced economies, placing the country near the bottom of the league tables. Those patterns carry through to investment, employment and productivity. Much of the slump reflects higher trade barriers that reduced external demand, discouraged foreign direct investment and increased administrative burdens on companies that once seamlessly supplied both sides of the Channel.

Trade: From Gateway to Bottleneck
Brexit champions argued that leaving the single market would allow Britain to strike its own global trade deals. In reality, most “new” deals have simply rolled over agreements the UK already enjoyed as an EU member. The government’s own analysis shows that the flagship agreements with Japan and Australia are expected to add around 0.1 percentage points to GDP over fifteen years – rounding errors compared with the estimated four‑percent productivity hit inflicted by the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) with the EU. At the same time, British exporters have faced a thicket of paperwork, border checks and rules of origin requirements that add two to eight percent to the cost of shipping goods to the EU. Goods exports collapsed in early 2021 when the transition period ended and, despite partial recovery, remain below 2019 levels in real terms. Services exports have fared a little better but have still lost market share in key sectors such as financial services, where London’s dominance is slipping as companies move staff and trading activity to Paris, Frankfurt and Amsterdam.

The impact is not confined to exports. Imports from the EU are lower as well, meaning higher prices and less choice for consumers and businesses. Trade flows between Great Britain and Northern Ireland have been particularly strained. The Windsor Framework’s dual “green lane” and “red lane” system was meant to ease frictions, yet trade data show a persistent decline. Between 2020 and 2024‑25 the share of GB businesses selling to Northern Ireland fell from 5.7 percent to 3.9 percent; in manufacturing it dropped from 20.1 percent to 12.9 percent. In the year to April 2025, more than 15 percent of businesses reported lower sales to Northern Ireland and more than eight percent stopped trading altogether. Smaller firms have been hit hardest, deterred by complex customs forms, “Not‑For‑EU” labelling and the need to register as trusted traders. Agrifood exports have fallen by more than one fifth, while imports are down seven percent, hurting both farmers and consumers.

Labour: A Self‑Inflicted Shortage
“Freedom of movement” was among the key battlegrounds of the Brexit campaign. Leave proponents promised that ending it would reduce pressure on public services and open job opportunities for British workers. Instead, sectors that relied on EU labour are struggling to find staff. The post‑Brexit immigration system introduced a Skilled Worker visa, but it excludes many lower‑skilled occupations. Hospitality, hotels, warehousing, meat processing and construction – all industries that depended on EU workers – report acute shortages. The haulage industry faces a deficit of thousands of HGV drivers despite emergency visa schemes, because EU drivers prefer permanent employment in member states. A 2022 survey by the National Farmers’ Union found that at least £60 million worth of crops had been left to rot due to a lack of pickers, with nearly 40 percent of farmers reporting crop losses and farms operating with workforce gaps of around fourteen percent. Three years later, labour shortages remain a recurring complaint across the food supply chain, care homes and logistics firms.

The consequences of these shortages go beyond unharvested crops. Employers must pay higher wages and offer incentives to attract scarce staff, driving up costs. Many businesses cannot fill orders or expand because they lack workers. The promise that British workers would seamlessly replace EU migrants has not materialised, and training programmes take time to deliver results. Even sectors that qualify for visas, such as butchery and meat processing, struggle with bureaucratic barriers that prevent skilled workers from entering. Industry leaders warn that viable factories are at risk of closure simply because they cannot hire.

Public Finances and Services
One of the referendum’s most potent claims was that leaving the EU would release funds for the National Health Service. Instead, Brexit has strained the NHS. Hospitals relied heavily on EU doctors, nurses and carers; many have returned to the continent or chosen not to move to the UK under the new visa system. Shortages in social care mean hospitals cannot discharge patients because there is no one to look after them in the community, exacerbating waiting lists. Meanwhile, the cost of imported medicines and medical equipment has increased due to the weaker pound and new trade barriers. Far from a windfall, the Office for Budget Responsibility estimates that the long‑term impact of the TCA will reduce productivity by around four percent, lowering tax revenues and leaving less money to fund public services.

Political and Global Standing
Brexit was supposed to restore Britain’s sovereignty and global clout. Instead, it has sown division at home and diminished the UK’s influence abroad. The need to renegotiate access to the EU’s single market has consumed successive governments, leaving little energy for domestic reform. Scotland and Northern Ireland have strengthened ties with Europe and revived debates over independence and unification, respectively. On the world stage, London’s ability to shape EU policies from inside the club has vanished; it now must lobby from the outside. Businesses once viewed the UK as a bridge into Europe. Today many multinationals choose Dublin or Amsterdam instead.

Even officials who maintained neutrality now concede the scale of the damage. In October 2025 the governor of the Bank of England, Andrew Bailey, said that Brexit will weigh negatively on UK economic growth “for the foreseeable future.” He linked a decline in the UK’s potential growth rate from around 2.5 percent to 1.5 percent to lower productivity, an ageing population and post‑Brexit trade restrictions. Though he expressed hope that technological innovation could eventually offset the drag, his comments underscore how far the country has fallen from the confident predictions of 2016.

Conclusion and Future
A decade on, Brexit’s legacy is one of contradiction. Promises of economic renewal have given way to slower growth, weaker investment and stagnant living standards. The pledge to control borders has produced labour shortages that leave crops unpicked, factories understaffed and care homes desperate. The dream of unencumbered trade has led to higher costs, administrative headaches and a steady erosion of the UK’s position as a trading nation. Even the vaunted recovery of sovereignty has proved hollow as ministers spend their days negotiating with Brussels to mitigate the damage of their own decision. Far from delivering what was intended, Brexit has made Britain poorer, more divided and less influential – the opposite of what its architects promised.